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The authors are distinguished mathematicians, primarily specialized in topology and functional analysis, but their research interests turned to the history of Greek mathematics several years ago.\\N\\NThey claim that the original Pythagorean proof of incommensurability likely concerns the diagonal and side of a square and was obtained by \\textit{anthyphairesis} (based on reciprocal subtraction), predating Euclid's more algebraic approach. Moreover, they argue that the Pythagoreans used geometric constructions involving the application of areas (in excess and defect) to express algebraic relationships, which they reinterpret through the so-called ``geometric algebra''.\\N\\NFor these reasons, they propose a reordering of Euclid's propositions in Book II to reflect a Pythagorean logic, namely the Pythagorean theorem at II.4/5, application of areas at II.6/7, the so-called ``elegant theorems'' at II.9/10 and II.10/11.a, the proof of Pell's property (side and diameter numbers) via induction at II.10/11.b and the incommensurability proof at II.8/9.\\N\\NThey link the mathematical structure to Pythagorean metaphysics by interpreting the pair ``Infinite and Finite'' as generative principles of angle types (acute, obtuse, right) and as conceptual anchors for incommensurability.\\N\\NFinally, based on their reconstruction, they challenge Walter Burkert's thesis that Zenonian ontology preceded mathematical discovery, suggesting instead that the Pythagorean incommensurability proof may have influenced Zeno's paradoxes.\\N\\NHowever, no undoubted historical evidence is available on which the original Pythagorean proof of incommensurability was, which two line-segments were shown to be incommensurable, nor is it anywhere reported which methods were used to prove it.\\N\\NOne possibility is that it was the side and diagonal in a square that were proven to be incommensurable, and that the method of proof was similar to the proof by \\textit{reductio ad absurdum} preserved in an interpolation at the end of Book X of Euclid's \\textit{Elements} (Proposition 117), also mentioned by Aristotle (Heath 1921, 91; Aristotle \\textit{Anal. pr.} i. 23, 41 a 26--7). The use of the even-odd dichotomy makes this reconstruction plausible for a Pythagorean proof. On the other hand, the use of \\textit{reductio ad absurdum} is crucial: to show that something does not exist, one must demonstrate that assuming its existence leads to absurdity, a technique practiced initially by Zeno of Elea.\\N\\NAnother possibility is that it was proof of the incommensurability of the side and the diagonal in a regular pentagon (the pentagram was a holy symbol of the Pythagoreans) using Euclid's \\textit{anthyphairesis} algorithm (\\textit{Elements} VII.2), which is also documented before Euclid. If the \\textit{anthyphairesis} procedure terminates for two given line segments, \\textit{A} and \\textit{B}, the last non-zero remainder will be a line segment that measures both \\textit{A} and \\textit{B} by a whole number of times. If the procedure does not terminate, then one has found a pair of incommensurable line segments.\\N\\NA noteworthy hypothesis, not considered by the authors, was advanced by \\textit{H. J. Waschkies} [Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 7, 325--353 (1971; Zbl 0256.01001)]. Waschkies suggests that the ancient Greeks did not need to have arrived at the concept of incommensurability through purely geometric reasoning. Instead, he suggests that the discovery might have had a procedural and experiential origin, arising from practical attempts to measure or compare lengths by common units, using physical objects like pebbles (\\textit{psephoi}) and their graphical configurations, leading to paradoxes or failures in ratio-based reasoning. This entails an early dating of the discovery of incommensurability, which is compatible with the ``experimental'' nature of the Pythagorean ``pebble''-arithmetic, as interpreted in [the reviewer, ``A genetic interpretation of neo-Pythagorean arithmetic'', Oriens-Occidens, 7, 143--144 (2009)]. Hence, Waschkies offers a grounded, reconstructive hypothesis that shifts focus to the cognitive and diagrammatic tools used in Greek mathematical reasoning and reframes the discovery as an epistemic leap rooted in experience, not just logic. Moreover, it aligns with W.R. Knorr's studies in the methods used by ancient mathematicians (including \\textit{anthyphairesis} and geometric reasoning), arguing for continuity between practical discoveries and the eventual axiomatic formulation.\\N\\NThe authors chose the second option without providing any historical evidence among the reasons they list on pp. 279--280 (in fact, no uncontroversial historical evidence is generally available from the surviving sources), and without examining alternative interpretations. They claim that arguments for an arithmetical original Pythagorean proof must be rejected in favor of an anthyphairetic proof that employs Proposition X.2 of the \\textit{Elements}, the use of which as a criterion for establishing the incommensurability of line segments is commonly attributed to Theaetetus, to whom is also credited the first classification of irrationalities. Consequently, the authors' reconstruction relies on purely hypothetical assumptions and their theoretical commitments.\\N\\NThe topics of a pre-Eudoxan theory of ratio and the reconstruction of Book II of Euclid's \\textit{Elements} have their own history, going back to Oskar Becker's influential hypothesis of an early pre-Eudoxan theory of proportion based on \\textit{anthyphairesis}. Becker traces this pre-Eudoxan theory in passages of Aristotle and in earlier Books of Euclid. He highlighted certain structural continuities between Book II (and some propositions elsewhere) of the \\textit{Elements} and anthyphairetic techniques: similarities in proof patterns and the use of \\textit{anthyphairesis} in geometric arguments; moreover, he interpreted certain Aristotelian passages as describing processes compatible with \\textit{anthyphairesis} [\\textit{A. Thorup}, Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 45, No. 1, 1--16 (1992; Zbl 0767.01007)]. Thus, Book II was interpreted as reflecting a pre-algebraic mode of reasoning, in which geometric figures encode arithmetic relationships.\\N\\NDavid Fowler has argued in his influential paper, \\textit{Book II of Euclid's \\textit{Elements} and a pre-Eudoxan theory of ratio}, that Book II is best read not merely as geometric algebra, but as a repository of techniques that may reflect an earlier, anthyphairetic conception of ratio embedded in geometric constructions. He suggests that Theaetetus may have used constructions in the style of Book II (involving squares, rectangles, and \\textit{gnomons}) to encode arithmetical manipulations of ratios before the development of Eudoxus's theory of proportions exposed in Euclid's \\textit{Elements}, Book V.\\N\\N\\textit{K. Saito} [Sci. Context 16, No. 3, 331--347 (2003; Zbl 1193.01015)] and subsequent historians of mathematics have argued against overstating the completeness of any reconstructed ``pre-Eudoxan theory.'' The extant texts do not decisively show a single, systematized theory, and what survives may be a patchwork of practices and local methods rather than a single uniform doctrine.\\N\\NAlthough many modern historians of mathematics accept that \\textit{anthyphairesis} played an important role in early Greek mathematics, they disagree about whether it constituted a complete, coherent theory. In contrast, the authors are confident that Book II, in ``its restored original Pythagorean form, achieves a unity that is lacking in the \\textit{Elements}.'' (p. 282)\\N\\NThe authors rely on Fowler's ideas, but argue that Theaetetus developed a theory of ratio based on equal \\textit{anthyphairesis}, i.e., two pairs of magnitudes are in the same ratio if their \\textit{anthyphairesis} is identical, which is stated not in Book II, but in the considerably advanced Book X.2, and explore, through the lens of modern mathematics, the scope of application of their interpretation to magnitudes with finite or eventually periodic \\textit{anthyphairesis}, i.e., those expressible via continued fractions, imposing the results (the modern deductive structures) upon historical texts.\\N\\NThe authors interpret the Pythagorean pair of opposites `Infinite-Finite' (that goes back to Philolaus' doctrine of the limit and the unlimited) as an infinite anthyphairetic division of the diameter to the side of a square. At the same time, the Finite is interpreted as a ``Finitizer,'' as the preservation (periodicity) of the shape and form of the application of areas in excess/\\textit{gnomons} at each step, providing full knowledge of the infinite and unknown entity.\\N\\NAlthough the authors refer to Proclus' association of the Infinite with incommensurability (Proclus \\textit{in Euclidem }(Friedlein) 1873, 6, 19--22, and more specifically in 59, 15--61, 17, where Proclus correlates incommensurability with an infinite decreasing sequence of \\textit{gnomons}), the passage does not explicitly support the reading of the infinite as an infinite anthyphairetic division of the diameter to the side of a square. Proclus's statements that ``there are ratios proceeding to infinity, but controlled by the principle of the Limit'' and that ``If there were no infinity, all magnitudes would be commensurable and there would be nothing inexpressible or irrational'' cannot be interpreted univocally and do not involve the idea of \\textit{anthyphairesis}; even more, Proclus does not use this term anywhere in his commentary \\textit{in Euclidem. }\\N\\NOn the contrary, Proclus uses the pair of opposites `Infinite-Finite' differently in various contexts. For instance, he asserts that ``number, beginning from the unit, can increase without limit, yet any number taken [individually] is finite.'' (Proclus, \\textit{in Euclidem }(Friedlein) 1873, 6.5; Morrow, 1992, 5)\\N\\NThe pair of opposites `Infinite-Finite' was a pair of abstract generative principles understood as general ontological and sometimes cosmological principles (DK, fr. 1), rather than formal mathematical definitions. Adopting these principles is necessary because, as Proclus and neo-Pythagoreans, such as Nicomachus and Iamblichus, explain, only finite objects can fall under the scope of science (Proclus, \\textit{in Euclidem }(Friedlein) 1873, 285 24; Morrow, 1992, 222). The authors claim that periodicity makes the infinite (the infinite anthyphairetic division of the diameter to the side of a square) knowable (p. 286). Although this conclusion is clear from a modern perspective, there is no evidence that the Greek mathematicians reached it and have explicitly stated it in a (non-extant) treatise.\\N\\NConsequently, the authors' interpretation of the Infinite as an infinite anthyphairetic division of the diameter to the side of a square and the periodicity of \\textit{gnomons} as a ``finitizer'' is biased and not grounded on the extant historical sources.\\N\\NThe authors engage in the debate about the ``geometric algebra'' interpretation of Book II of Euclid's \\textit{Elements}, arguing that it is both strong and valid. The authors examine this question in their earlier articles and interpret Book II algebraically. Their new argument in favor of the ``geometric algebra'' is the use of the method of ``application of areas'' (\\textit{Elements} II.6/7) in what they consider the original Pythagorean incommensurability proof.\\N\\NThe authors are also engaged in the controversy over the Greeks' use of mathematical induction.\\N\\N\\textit{H. Freudenthal} [Arch. Int. Hist. Sci. 6, No. 22, 17--37 (1953; Zbl 0050.24202)] acknowledged the use of what he called \\textit{quasi-induction} in Greek mathematics. David Fowler, particularly in his 1994 work, examines Greek mathematics through \\textit{anthyphairesis}, highlighting recursive patterns in number theory and identifying \\textit{quasi-inductive} structures in the treatment of polygonal numbers and side-diameter sequences, particularly in the works of Nicomachus and Plato. Fabio Acerbi, in his 2000 work and subsequent studies, identifies patterns of generalization and recursion, but remains cautious about equating them with modern induction.\\N\\NInductive (recursive) reasoning was crucial in Pythagorean pebble arithmetic, where a finitary scheme of inductive reasoning is used [the reviewer, 2009, loc. cit.], while a similar scheme (possibly of Pythagorean origin) is also used in Euclid's arithmetic books [the reviewer, ``Was Euclid's approach to arithmetic axiomatic?'', Oriens Occidens 2, 141--181 (1998; Zbl 1060.01003)]. In both schemes, induction is reduced to the confirmation of an initial finite sequence of conditionals, which relies on applying an effective rule of passage to the next step. The scheme lacks a passage from any step to its successor or a description of a rule defining explicitly the structure of the inductive step, and, in certain texts, eventually fails to generalize the property to ``all'' objects under consideration, where the term ``all'' can be understood as ``any given'' object.\\N\\NThe authors claim that the Pythagoreans had a ``step-by-step'' inductive proof, but without the principle of mathematical induction (p. 300); the latter is not actually needed, because Pythagorean arithmetic is not constructed axiomatically, as shown in [the reviewer, 1998, loc. cit.]. They also claim that the Pythagoreans had proved by this ``step-by-step'' type of induction the fundamental Pell property of the side and diameter numbers. However, Proclus (\\textit{Commentary to Plato's Republic}, Essay 13.23) and Theon (42.10--44.17 (Hiller)) both illustrate the discovery of such rational diameters for some initial instances. Proclus subsequently attributes to the Pythagoreans a rigorous proof of side and diagonal numbers (27.11--18) by connecting what he calls the Pythagoreans' ``elegant theorem'' with a proof of Euclid in the \\textit{Elements}. Relying on Proclus' evidence, the authors, and before them Heath (1921), vol. 1, 92), interpret Proclus' remark as providing rigorous inductive proof. However, \\textit{W. R. Knorr} [Am. Math. Mon. 105, No. 5, 421--429 (1998; Zbl 0917.01006)] and others have already argued that there is no good reason to connect a subsequent passage in Euclid cited by Proclus with the Pythagoreans' approximating of irrational diameters for at least some instances of squares.\\N\\NMoreover, they claim that ``It is safe to assume that the Pythagoreans would not use the Pell property if they had not proved it rigorously.'' (p. 334) However, the Pythagoreans could have used the Pell property, although they had not proved it rigorously, if they had demonstrated it by means of pebbles. Obviously, the Pythagoreans did not doubt the validity of statements demonstrated by means of pebble configurations, although the statements are not proved rigorously, in the sense of Euclid's \\textit{Elements}.\\N\\NIn presenting the proof of Pell's property of the side and diameter numbers by means of Proposition II.10 of Euclid's \\textit{Elements}, the authors do not clarify which ancient text they follow but rephrase (or paraphrase) Pell's property in modern terms and advance a modern proof accordingly. Thus, it is unclear what belongs to the authors and what to the ancient mathematicians. This confusion runs throughout the paper.\\N\\NFinally, the authors' suggestion that the Pythagorean incommensurability proof may have influenced Zeno's paradoxes is not certain and uncontroversial. Zeno's paradoxes might plausibly have been motivated by the discovery of infinite divisibility (found, for instance, in the Scholium 1 to Book X of Euclid's \\textit{Elements} (\\textit{Elements} (Heiberg) 1883--1916, Book V, 414--417), rather than the incommensurability proof.\\N\\NOverall, the paper is rich in reflection but amply speculative and lacks adequate historical textual support for its assumptions and claims.\\N\\NFor the entire collection see [Zbl 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